I submitted this motion to the Greens’ 50th federal delegates’ conference with the support of 88 other Greens, including Nina Stahr, Boris Mijatovic (MdB), Misbah Khan (MdB), Tarek al-Wazir (MdL), Awet Tesfaiesus (MdB), Tobias Bacherle (MdB), Ottmar von Holz (MdB), Erhard Grundl (MdB) and Kassem Taher Saleh (MdB). However, it did not make it through the ranking procedure and so was not debated. Even so, in my view it was an important contribution at the time, and I’m glad to present it here.

Breaking the spiral of escalation: complexity and responsibility in the Middle East conflict and in the Middle East debate in Germany.

In Germany we are currently seeing how the Middle East conflict is leading to intense debates here too and affecting the social climate. The arguments are often driven by strong emotions and risk deepening existing tensions in society. The attacks of 7 October 2023 rightly caused great horror in Germany and reminded us as a society that the safety of Jews can never be taken for granted and has to be fought for day after day. In this context, we clearly affirm Israel’s right to exist, which is a fundamental precondition for the security of the Jewish community worldwide and for protection against antisemitic attacks. This attack has frightened Jews worldwide, including hundreds of thousands of people in Germany. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of people in Germany also have family, friendship and emotional ties to the Palestinian territories and the wider region. They are just as worried about their relatives and friends in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and Lebanon, they grieve for the victims of the attacks and fear for their loved ones.

Our diverse society is thus deeply interwoven in many ways with the pain and suffering of this region. It is therefore essential to recognise this pain in all its facets and to give it space in public life, regardless of whether it is felt from a Jewish, Palestinian or other perspective, and regardless of how we view the underlying conflicts politically. A look at Lebanon shows us how a society shaped by diversity can also be torn apart by conflict. It remains our shared task to reach out to one another, to build bridges and to create space for mutual understanding, even in difficult times.

As Alliance 90/The Greens, we want to live up to our responsibility and help make sure that different perspectives are heard and respected. We stand for politics based on the fundamental values of human rights, international law and democracy. This is about creating spaces where open and constructive exchange is possible, without prejudice or exclusion.

We see the need to develop an approach to the Middle East conflict that does justice to the complexity of the situation while taking account of our own social challenges. By promoting intercultural and interfaith dialogue, we want to build bridges and counter tendencies towards radicalisation. Education and awareness play a central role in fostering understanding and breaking down prejudice.

Our goal is to work out solutions here too, through respectful dialogue and cooperation. By putting social cohesion at the centre here as well, we can contribute to a more peaceful and just future.

1. A clear stance on the Middle East conflict and promoting dialogue in society

We are committed to a nuanced position on the Middle East conflict based on international law and human rights. We are working to create and preserve spaces in Germany that allow open, respectful and constructive dialogue between different groups in society. It is particularly important to counter tendencies towards radicalisation and to strengthen social cohesion. This includes supporting initiatives that promote intercultural and interfaith exchange and break down prejudice. Public spaces such as community centres, theatres and universities must also make this dialogue possible.

2. For peace and justice: rejecting violence, calling for de-escalation and strengthening humanitarian aid

We strongly condemn the brutal Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023, which were marked by indiscriminate violence against civilians in Israel, by murders and abductions. We urgently call on the international community to hold Hamas to account and press for the immediate release of all hostages in its hands. However, we view the actions of the Israeli armed forces in the Gaza Strip with great concern and explicitly support an independent investigation into possible violations of international law and war crimes, especially as the Israeli government is blocking an independent inquiry into the Hamas attack and the war that followed. The continuing settlement policy and the occupation of the West Bank, as well as violence by radical settlers against Palestinian civilians, must end immediately, as they not only violate international law but are also an obstacle to peace in the region. The current policy of the Israeli government endangers the long-term security of Israeli citizens, because it contributes to an escalation of violence and undermines the chance of a lasting peace settlement. Lasting security for Israelis will only be possible if there is lasting security for Palestinians too, and vice versa. That is why we are not giving up the search for a political vision in which both peoples live peacefully side by side in two states.

Given the acute humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, providing comprehensive aid immediately is of the utmost urgency. Through its work in education, healthcare and social services, UNRWA makes an indispensable contribution. There are currently no alternative structures that could take over these tasks. Ending or underfunding UNRWA would destabilise the entire region and also affect important partners such as Jordan. We strongly advocate adequate funding for UNRWA. At the same time, it is crucial to protect the organisation from extremist influence and preserve its integrity. We are therefore firmly committed to further improving control mechanisms and recruitment processes within UNRWA, in order to strengthen the organisation’s integrity and protect it from unwanted influence.

3. Defending the international order based on international law and its institutions

We reaffirm our commitment to politics firmly based on the fundamental values of universal human rights, democracy and international law. The United Nations and its institutions, in particular the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, are central pillars of an order based on international law, and we must defend them against attacks. We commit to a fact-based, human-rights-oriented and rules-based approach in our foreign policy, in order to preserve peace and freedom now and in the future.

4. A nuanced definition of antisemitism

Antisemitism threatens us all. It poisons how we live together and undermines the foundations of democracy and human rights, the basis of our coexistence in Germany and of our historical responsibility for the safety of Jews, which we want to and must live up to. That is why we are determined to oppose every form of antisemitism. At a time when hatred and exclusion are on the rise, it is our shared task to actively confront antisemitic tendencies and name them clearly. To pursue this goal effectively, we advocate a nuanced use of definitions of antisemitism. The legally non-binding working definition of antisemitism of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA definition) is widely used internationally. But we see the need to also take other definitions into account, such as the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA) or the Nexus Document. These make it easier to distinguish clearly between antisemitic statements and legitimate criticism of Israeli government policy, without playing down antisemitic tendencies or unduly restricting freedom of expression.

5. Protecting academic freedom

We call for academic freedom to be safeguarded as an indispensable pillar of a living democracy. Only free research can produce the technical and social innovations that we depend on as an industrial country. Only free research can provide the framework for thinking about and reflecting on how we think and feel. That includes allowing ideas, opinions and thoughts that seem offensive, unusual or marginal. State interference or administrative pressure aimed at unduly restricting critical academic debate, excluding academics from funding because of their political views or sanctioning them harms us as a society. This is especially true given that our universities and research institutions have far-reaching international networks. We need cooperation, dialogue and debate with academics from South Africa as well as from Israel, from the USA as well as from China. It is therefore clear that we firmly oppose calls to boycott Jewish or Israeli academics. Because we stand for being able to hold open conversations about the Middle East conflict, colonialism and global justice, from the widest range of perspectives.

6. Humility as part of our historical responsibility

Defending academic freedom is inseparable from our historical responsibility. Germany has learned from the crimes of National Socialism. Since the end of the Second World War, courageous figures from politics, public administration, the judiciary and civil society have made sure, often against considerable resistance, that Germany faces up to its unique responsibility: perpetrators of the Shoah were held legally accountable, victims were compensated, remembrance became a firm part of public space, and knowledge of the crimes of National Socialism is an integral part of our curricula. We can rightly be proud of that. But this pride must also acknowledge that these achievements were by no means a given, that perpetrators held high office for far too long, and that those who profited from “Aryanisation” and collaboration were often allowed to keep the proceeds all too securely. Today, when these achievements are firmly established in the political mainstream, a growing number of people, above all on the far right, are calling them into question again.

From our knowledge of the unique crimes of the Nazi era and the history of German remembrance culture, we should therefore derive an attitude of humility, not arrogance. We can present its achievements to the world with confidence, and we can be a role model and a point of orientation. At the same time, we must enter into dialogue with those whose historical experiences have led them to other perspectives and terms for dealing with the global history of violence. For us, the foundations of this dialogue are clear: unconditional respect for human dignity, recognition of the Shoah as a crime against humanity, and a clear orientation towards human rights and international law.

7. Protecting freedom of assembly and freedom of expression

The fundamental right to freedom of assembly and expression is of course guaranteed in the current tense situation too, on condition that demonstrations are registered, remain peaceful and comply with criminal law. A democracy has to be able to cope with opinions and positions at demonstrations that, for many, push the limits of what is bearable. This also applies to Palestinians living here and to the right to demonstrate peacefully and show solidarity with the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and Lebanon within the law, but not to public calls for terror, for terrorist organisations or for antisemitism.

8. Developing remembrance culture further and strengthening prevention and education

We are committed to an inclusive and plural culture of remembrance that takes account of the diverse experiences and histories of an immigration society, without relativising the unique significance of the Shoah. German colonial history and current forms of racism, antisemitism and discrimination must become a stronger focus of remembrance work. The creation of new places of remembrance and learning that address all these topics should be supported, in order to raise public awareness and strengthen social cohesion. These new places must expressly not come at the expense of established remembrance work on the Shoah and its further development.

At the same time, we call for stronger educational prevention work against all forms of discrimination and group-focused enmity. Given the rampant anti-Muslim racism in our society, we consider it particularly urgent to name this form of discrimination clearly and to take active steps against it. Educational institutions should systematically build topics such as antisemitism, anti-Muslim racism, colonial history and other aspects of discrimination into their curricula. We call for funding for projects that support intercultural and interfaith dialogue and anchor extremism prevention as an integral part of education. The diversity and independence of the organisations working in education and prevention must be preserved and supported in the long term, in order to counter growing polarisation and strengthen democratic resilience.

9. Extending the General Equal Treatment Act (AGG)

We call for a reform of the AGG to add citizenship and statelessness to the protected characteristics. This is necessary to give everyone living in Germany comprehensive legal protection against discrimination, regardless of their legal status. For example, Israeli citizens, stateless Palestinians and others affected would benefit from this extension, as they are currently not sufficiently protected against discrimination. In addition, the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency should be strengthened to ensure effective support for those affected and to tackle structural discrimination effectively.